Concerning the latter, it is notable that in November 2003, the President referred to what had been an enduring, consensual, bipartisan policy as “sixty years of Western nations excusing and accommodating the lack of freedom in the Middle East.” In fact, that emphasis on stability resulted from a recognition of Middle East exceptionalism-that, unlike elsewhere in the world, popular attitudes in this region were deeply anti-American, and distinctly more so than the attitudes of the region's emirs, kings, and presidents. Such a situation naturally led Washington to conclude it had best work with dictators, lest democracy bring radicalized governments to power. This fear was entirely reasonable, as the 1978 revolution in Iran established and as the Algerian elections of 1991 confirmed. But, setting aside such apprehensions, Bush now insisted that Middle Easterners would, no less than other peoples, benefit from democracy and mature through it. He drew direct comparisons with American success in sponsoring democracy in Europe and Asia. यह भय उपयुक्त था जैसा कि 1978 की ईरान की क्रांति और अल्जीरिया के 1991 के चुनावों ने इसे सुनिश्चित कर दिया लेकिन इन आशंकाओं को दरकिनार करते हुए बुश ने इस बात पर जोर दिया कि दुनिया के अन्य देशों के लोगों की भांति मध्यपूर्व के लोगों को भी लोकतंत्र का लाभ उठाना चाहिए और इसमें परिपक्व होना चाहिए . उन्होंने इसकी प्रत्यक्ष तुलना यूरोप तथा एशिया में लोकतंत्र स्थापित करने में प्राप्त हुई सफलता से की .
12.
Kuran dismisses the whole concept of Islamic economics. “[T]here is no distinctly Islamic way to build a ship, or defend a territory, or cure an epidemic, or forecast the weather,” so why money? He concludes that the significance of Islamic economics lies not in the economy but in identity and religion. The scheme “has promoted the spread of antimodern … currents of thought all across the Islamic world. It has also fostered an environment conducive to Islamist militancy.” Indeed, Islamic economics possibly contributes to global economic instability by “hindering institutional social reforms necessary for healthy economic development.” In particular, were Muslims truly forbidden not to pay or charge interest, they would be relegated “to the fringes of the international economy.” In short, Islamic economics has trivial economic import but poses a substantial and malign political danger. कुरान ने इस्लामी अर्थशास्त्र की पूरी परिकल्पना को खारिज किया है। “ जब एक जहाज बनाने , राज्य क्षेत्र की रक्षा करने , महामारी से बचाव या मौसम के पूर्वानुमान का कोई अलग इस्लामी रास्ता नहीं है तो फिर धन मामले में कैसे ? उन्होंने समापन करते हुए कहा कि इस्लामी अर्थशास्त्र का महत्व अर्थशास्त्र में नहीं वरन् पहचान और धर्म के रूप में है। इस योजना ने , “समस्त इस्लामी विश्व में पूर्व आधुनिक विचार धारा को विस्तारित किया है । इसने इस्लामी उग्रवाद के अनुकूल वातावरण को भी बढ़ाया है ''।
