Should Erdoğan lose electoral approval, look for him to adopt nondemocratic means to stay in power. He outlined this course even before becoming prime minister, famously declaring that “Democracy is like a streetcar. When you come to your stop, you get off.” His proto-dictatorial mentality can already be seen in such steps as challenging the independent judiciary , fostering nonsensical conspiracy theories to jail his opponents, imprisoning countless journalists and issuing preposterous fines against unfriendly media companies . These autocratic ways are growing over time. यदि एरडोगन अपनी नीतियों के लिये चुनावी समर्थन नहीं प्राप्त करते तो क्या वे सत्ता में बने रहने के लिये गैर लोकतांत्रिक तरीका अपनायेंगे। उन्होंने इसका खुलासा प्रधानमंत्री बनने से पूर्व ही कर दिया था जब काफी प्रसिद्ध बात कही थी, “ लोकतंत्र सडक की कार की भाँति है जब आप अपने गंतव्य पर पहुँचें तो उतर जायें”। उनकी परा अधिनायकवादी मानसिकता के दर्शन अभी होते हैं जैसे कि स्वतंत्र न्यायपालिका को चुनौती देना, अपने विरोधियों को जेल में भेजने के लिये मूर्खतापूर्ण षड्यंत्रकारी सिद्दांतों को गढना , अनगिनत पत्रकारों को जेल में भेजना और अमित्र मीडिया कम्पनियों पर भारी भरकम जुर्माना लगाना। ये अधिनायकवादी तरीके दिनों दिन बढ रहे हैं।
12.
Lo and behold, Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood have followed exactly our script. Since taking power in August, Morsi (1) sidelined the military, then focused on entrenching and expanding their supremacy, most notably by issuing a series of orders on Nov. 22 that arrogated autocratic powers to him and spreading Zionist conspiracy theories about his opponents. He then (2) rammed through an Islamist-oriented constitution on Nov. 30 and called a snap referendum on it Dec. 15. Consumed with these two tasks, he virtually ignored the myriad issues afflicting Egypt, especially the looming economic crisis and the lack of funds to pay for imported food. मोर्सी और मुस्लिम ब्रदरहुड ने ठीक हमारी पटकथा को अपनाया है । अगस्त में सत्ता में आने के बाद से मोर्सी ने (1) सेना को किनारे लगाया, फिर उनकी शक्ति को कम करते हुए अपनी प्रमुखता स्थापित करने की दिशा में कदम बढाया और इसी क्रम में 22 नवम्बर को अनेक आदेश जारी किये जिससे कि उन्हें अधिनायकवादी शक्तियाँ प्राप्त होती हैं और अपने विरोधियों के बारे में इजरायलवादी षडयंत्रकारी सिद्दांत का प्रचार होता है। (2) इसके बाद 30 नवम्बर को इस्लामवाद समर्थक संविधान की चोट करते हुए इसके लिये व्यापक जनमत संग्रह के लिये 15 दिस्म्बर की तिथि घोषित कर दी। इन दो मुद्दों में व्यस्त रहते हुए उन्होंने प्रायः उन सभी व्यापक मुद्दों की अवहेलना की जो कि मिस्र के लिये आवश्यक हैं विशेष रूप से तेजी से बढता आर्थिक संकट और खाद्य आयात के लिये वित्त की कमी।
13.
Instead, as the U.S. Army recommends, MEK members should (after giving assurances not to attack Iranian territory) be permitted enough arms to protect themselves from their Iranian opponents. And in November, when the secretary of state next decides whether or not to re-certify the MEK as a terrorist group, he should come to the sensible conclusion that it poses no threat to the security of the United States or its citizens, and remove it from the list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations. Finally, because Iran's mullahs irrationally fear the MeK (as shown by their 1988 massacre in the jails of Iran of 10,000 long-imprisoned MeK members and supporters), maintaining the MeK as an organized group in separate camps in Iraq offers an excellent way to intimidate and gain leverage over Tehran. इसके बजाय अमेरिकी सेना को संस्तुति करनी चाहिए कि मुजाहिदीने खल्क के सदस्यों को ईरानी प्रतिद्वन्द्वियों से रक्षा के लिए पर्याप्त शस्त्र देने चाहिए। और नवम्बर में जब अगले राज्य सचिव इस बारे में निर्णय करें कि मुजाहिदीने खल्क को आतंकवादी गुट के रुप में फिर माना जाये या नहीं तो उन्हें बुद्धिमता पूर्ण निष्कर्ष पर आना चाहिए कि यह गुट अमेरिका, उसके नागरिकों के लिए कोई खतरा उत्पन्न नहीं करता इसलिए इसे विदेशी आतंकवादी संगठन की सूची से हटा दिया जाना चाहिए। अन्त में चूंकि ईरान के मुल्ला अतार्किक ढंग से मुजाहिदीने खल्फ से भयभीत हैं ( 1988 में जेल में बन्द मुजाहिदीने खल्फ के 10,000 सदस्यों का नरसंहार ) और यह देखते हुए कि मुजाहिदीने खल्क एक संगठित गुट के रूप में इराक के विभिन्न शिविरों में उपस्थित हैं एक विलक्षण अवसर प्रदान करता है कि तेहरान पर दबाव बनाया जाये और डराया जाये।
14.
If the advisory board is not the ideal solution, it is the best to be hoped for at the moment, given the power of the higher-education lobby. I am ready to give H.R. 3077 a chance. But should the board not come into existence or fail to make a difference, I'll advocate the better solution - defunding - and work to spread these ideas among the public and in Congress. My opponents will then learn what happens when truly I am “actively pushing” for Congress to adopt a measure. Comment by Martin Kramer in his “ Sandbox ” commentary: Pipes on HR3077 . Daniel Pipes devotes his column this morning to HR3077. Reminder: the bill would create an advisory board for the Title VI program of government subsidies to area studies at universities. The bill's radical opponents, especially Arab and Muslim advocacy groups, have portrayed Pipes as a prime initiator or backer of the bill. But Pipes, who now serves on the board of the U.S. Institute of Peace, and once served on the Fulbright board, hasn't been a great believer in HR3077. Nor has he been an activist for it. Truth is, he doesn't think much of such boards. Pipes would rather defund Title VI, or divert its post-9/11 windfall to an alternative network of centers devoted to terrorism studies. For now, he's willing to give the board idea a chance. Since I strongly support HR3077, I'm grateful for his endorsement, however reserved. But if the board isn't created, or fails to effect any change, he promises to launch a defunding campaign. Should that happen, I'll be right behind him. Tue, Feb 24 2004 9:45 am Related Topics: Academia , Middle East studies , US politics receive the latest by email: subscribe to daniel pipes' free mailing list This text may be reposted or forwarded so long as it is presented as an integral whole with complete and accurate information provided about its author, date, place of publication, and original URL. Comment on this item यदि सलाहकार बोर्ड उपयुक्त समाधान नहीं है तो मेरी दृष्टि में उच्च शिक्षा लाबी को कुछ समय के लिये इसका अधिकार दिया जाना चाहिये। मैं H.R 3077 को एक अवसर देने के पक्ष में हूँ और इसके लिये कांग्रेस और लोगों में जनमत बनाने का आग्रह करूँगा । तब मेरे विरोधियों को पता चलेगा कि कांग्रेस को एक समाधान के साथ सक्रिय रूप से कार्य करने का क्या असर होना है।
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Western Islamist organizations until now have relentlessly attacked, successfully extracting apologies from media figures like Paul Harvey and Mortimer Zuckerman, from businesses like Amazon and Nike, from pastors, columnists, and even from state politicians, a top U.S. general, and the president of the United States. Never before have they apologized for having libeled someone. The CIC retraction breaks the Islamists' spell of privilege and their miasma of immunity. It establishes, at least in Canada and at present, that Islamist groups do not have impunity to fabricate lies about their opponents. The rule of law does prevail and it applies even to them. For those who fear the growth of radical Islam, this episode offers encouragement that its forces can be contained and defeated. I hope others will join me in standing up to the new totalitarianism. Comment on this item कनाडियन इस्लामिक कांग्रेस का यह कदम मेरे स्मरण में अभूतपूर्व है .पश्चिम के इस्लामवादी संगठन अबतक लगातार आक्रमण ही करते रहे हैं तथा मीडिया से जुड़े विभिन्न लोगों जैसे पाल हार्वे , मारटीमर जकरमैन , अमेजन और नाईक जैसे व्यवसायी संगठनों ,पादरियों , स्तंभकारों , राजनेताओं , उच्च श्रेणी के अमेरिका के जेनरल और अमेरिका के राष्ट्रपति तक को माफी मांगने के लिए विवश कर चुके हैं. इससे पहले कभी उन्होंने ( इस्लामवादी ) मान हानि के लिए माफी नहीं मांगी थी. कनाडियन इस्लामिक कांग्रेस द्वारा बयान वापस लेने की घटना इस्लामवादियों के विशेषाधिकार के दंभ और छूट प्राप्त करने की मानसिकता को तोड़ती है. कम से कम कनाडा में यह स्थापित हुआ है कि इस्लामवादियों को अपने विरोधियों के विरुद्ध झूठ बोलने की छूट प्राप्त नहीं है. कानून का राज उनपर भी लागू होता है. जो लोग कट्टरपंथी इस्लाम के विकास को लेकर चिंतित हैं उनके लिए यह उत्साहवर्धक होगा कि कट्टरपंथी इस्लाम को भी रोका जा सकता है और पराजित किया जा सकता है. मुझे आशा है कि इस अधिनायकवाद के विरुद्ध अन्य लोग भी मेरे साथ खड़े होंगे.
16.
May 30, 2011 update :Balyoz keeps rolling along: less than two weeks before the general elections comes news today that Gen. Bilgin Balanlı , commander of the War Academies, has been arrested, making him the highest ranking active duty officer yet hauled off to prison. More broadly, 29 out of approximately 300 flag officers are under arrest. The deprivation of liberty of the 250 detained defendants in the Balyoz or Sledgehammer cases is arbitrary. … Consequent upon the opinion rendered, the Working Group requests the Government of Turkey to remedy the situation of these 250 persons in accordance with the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The Working Group considers that, taking into account all the circumstances of the case, an adequate remedy would be an enforceable right to compensation. Aug. 5, 2013 update : Despite the weakness and fraud of its case, the AKP government has plowed ahead and today pronounced prison sentences in the other plot, the Ergenekon one dating from 2007. It includes top military officers, opposition politicians, and journalists. As Hürriyet Daily News summarizes the case, “A total of 275 suspects, 66 of them under arrest, were awaiting rulings this morning. Some 33 indictments have been submitted in the course of the Ergenekon trials, which saw over 130 witnesses testify at hearings.” The most spectacular piece of news is the life sentence given the former chief of general staff, İlker Başbuğ, but the list is a long and severe one. An excerpt from the Hürriyet Daily News article: Journalist Tuncay Özkan, retired general Veli Küçük and lawyer Kemal Kerinçsiz were sentenced to aggravated life sentences. Özkan was also sentenced to an additional 16 years. Workers' Party leader Doğu Perinçek received aggravated life sentence and an additional 30 years in prison. Retired colonel Fikri Karadağ and retired general Hasan Ataman Yıldırım also received aggravated life sentences. Retired General Hurşit Tolon was sentenced to life in prison while another retired General Levent Ersöz was sentenced to 22 years six months. The court handed down life sentences to the retired generals Hasan Iğsız and Nusret Taşdelen, as well as retired colonel Fuat Selvi. … Writer Yalçın Küçük was also sentenced to 22 years and six months in prison. On similar charges, the court sentenced former head of the Higher Education Board of Turkey (YÖK) Kemal Gürüz to 13 years and 11 months, historian Mehmet Perinçek, who is the son of Doğu Perinçek, to six years, and alleged mob leader Sedat Peker was given a 10 year sentence. Former North Sea Field Commander Mehmet Otuzbiroğlu was sentenced to 20 years and 6 months. Journalist Erol Manisalı was sentenced to nine years. Author Ergün Poyraz was handed down a 29 years and four months sentence while journalist Güler Kömürcü was sentenced to seven years and six months. Workers' Party (İP) executives Hayrettin Ertekin was sentenced to 16 years, Hikmet Çiçek was sentenced to 21 years and nine months. The party's lawyer Emcet Olcaytu received 13 years and two months. Former rectors Ferit Bernay and Mustafa Abbas were each sentenced to ten years in prison. … Former police chief Adil Serdar Saçan was sentenced to 14 years in prison. Former mayor Gürbüz Çapan received one year. Comment : Seen in the light of June's Gezi Park demonstrations, these sentences imply that Erdoğan is further doubling down to discredit, marginalize, and criminalize his political opponents. It's not a tactic that will end well for him. Related Topics: Turkey and Turks receive the latest by email: subscribe to daniel pipes' free mailing list This text may be reposted or forwarded so long as it is presented as an integral whole with complete and accurate information provided about its author, date, place of publication, and original URL. Comment on this item तुर्की का इस्लामी मह्त्व इस बात की ओर संकेत करता है इस संकट का सभी मुसलमानों के लिये मह्त्व है। एकेपी द्वारा सेना पर इस्लामवादी नियंत्रण का अर्थ है कि वे उम्मा के सर्वाधिक शक्तिशाली सेक्युलर संस्थान को नियंत्रित कर रहे है और कुछ क्षणों के लिये ऐसा प्रतीत होता है कि उन्हें रोक पाना कठिन है। लेकिन यदि सेना अपनी स्वतंत्रता बचा पाती है तो अतातुर्क का विचार मुस्लिम समाज में जीवित रहेगा विश्वस्तर पर मुसलमानों के लिये व्यापक इस्लामवाद के लिये एक विकल्प मिल सकेगा।
