Q: Recently I talked to Peter Galbraith and Ivan Eland, foreign policy experts who both favor a three-part partition of Iraq as a way to forestall or make a civil war in Iraq go away. Any thoughts on that? A: Well, the neighborhood is unanimously against it and Iraqis are fearful of it, so I don't think there is much of a chance. उत्तर - पड़ोसी एकमत से इसके विरुद्ध हैं और इराकी इसे लेकर भयभीत हैं इसलिए मुझे इसकी अधिक संभावना नहीं दिखती .
32.
Decried the focus on deporting illegal aliens in the United States from Arab and Muslim countries - the source of nearly all the terrorism in the United States - as “biased.” Denounced FBI interviews of Iraqi immigrants, saying it had “zero” chances of turning up useful information. अरब और मुस्लिम देशों के विदेशी नागरिकों को वापस उनके देश भेजने की योजना पर ध्यान केन्द्रित करने को पक्षपातपूर्ण कार्रवाई बताया
33.
Fourth, Washington is setting itself up to be held accountable for the consequences of poor Iraqi decisions. In the words of a Sunni leader from February 2004, “America is the owner of this country right now. It is responsible.” चौथा, ईराक के घटिया निर्णयों के लिये अमेरिका स्वयं को उत्तरदायी बना रहा है. फरवरी 2004 में एक सुन्नी नेता ने कहा अमेरिका इस समय देश का स्वामी है और उसका उत्तरदायित्व है.
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The blame for the looting in Iraq, therefore, lies not with the coalition forces but with the Iraqis themselves. Yes, the coalition should have prepared better, but Iraqis alone bear moral responsibility for the cultural wreckage. This conclusion has two implications. Middle East specialists have yet again confirmed their political obtuseness. And Iraqis have signaled that they will act in ways highly unwelcome to the coalition. बर्बरता की यह करिवाई अत्यन्त अस्वाभविक थी और एक मात्र उदाहरण 90 -91 में इराकी करिवाई के रूप में था।
35.
The blame for the looting in Iraq, therefore, lies not with the coalition forces but with the Iraqis themselves. Yes, the coalition should have prepared better, but Iraqis alone bear moral responsibility for the cultural wreckage. This conclusion has two implications. Middle East specialists have yet again confirmed their political obtuseness. And Iraqis have signaled that they will act in ways highly unwelcome to the coalition. बर्बरता की यह करिवाई अत्यन्त अस्वाभविक थी और एक मात्र उदाहरण 90 -91 में इराकी करिवाई के रूप में था।
36.
The blame for the looting in Iraq, therefore, lies not with the coalition forces but with the Iraqis themselves. Yes, the coalition should have prepared better, but Iraqis alone bear moral responsibility for the cultural wreckage. This conclusion has two implications. Middle East specialists have yet again confirmed their political obtuseness. And Iraqis have signaled that they will act in ways highly unwelcome to the coalition. बर्बरता की यह करिवाई अत्यन्त अस्वाभविक थी और एक मात्र उदाहरण 90 -91 में इराकी करिवाई के रूप में था।
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Second, as a predominantly Muslim people, Iraqis share in the powerful Muslim reluctance to being ruled by non-Muslims. This reluctance results from the very nature of Islam, the most public and political of religions. दूसरा, अधिकांश में मुस्लिम होने के कारण इराकी गैर-मुसलमान से शासित होने का विरोध करते हैं. यह विरोध इस्लाम के स्वभाव का परिणाम है जो सभी धर्मों में सर्वाधिक सार्वजनिक और राजनीतिक है.
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Nor is that all: Rich Lowry of National Review has shown that the entire Clinton administration leadership - as well as the United Nations and the French and German governments - believed in the existence of Iraqi WMD. यहीं नहीं तो National review में रिच लोरी ने दिखाया है ,क्लिंटन प्रशासन का नेतृत्व तथा संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ सहित फ्रांस और जर्मन सरकारें भी मानती थीं कि इराक में जनसंहारक हथियारों का अस्तित्व है ।
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The Iraq-Iran war of 1980-88 created a similar situation. After mid-1982, when Ayatollah Khomeini's forces went on the offense against those of Saddam Hussein, Western governments began supporting Iraq. Yes, the Iraqi regime had started the hostilities and was more brutal, but the Iranian one was ideologically more dangerous and on the offensive. Best was that the hostilities hobble both sides and prevent either one from merging victorious. In the apocryphal words of Henry Kissinger, “It's a pity they both can't lose.” पश्चिमी सरकारों को बशर अल असद की कलंकित तानाशाही का समर्थन करना चाहिये।
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The enemy in this case appears to be not what one might expect - an Iraqi soldier or a Kuwaiti Islamist. The only suspect in custody is Hasan Karim Akbar, 31, a sergeant in the 101 st Airborne Division. एस मामले में शत्रु वह नहीं है जिसकी एक इराकी सैनिक या कुवैत के इस्लामवादी के रूप में अपेक्षा की जा रही है। हिरासत में लिया गया 31 वर्षीय सारजेण्ट कमान संदिग्ध 101 वीं एयरबोर्न प्रखण्ड का हसन करीम अकबर है।
