Complex and contradictory . Contradictions in the text have been studied and reconciled over the centuries through extensive scholarly study. Some verses have been abrogated and replaced by others with contrary meanings. For example, verse 9:5 commands Muslims not to slay pagans until the sacred months have passed and verse 9:36 tells Muslims to fight pagans during those same months. The casual reader has no idea which of these is operational. (In fact, the latter is.) जटिलता और विरोधाभास - कुरान की विषयवस्तु में अनेक कालखंडों में विद्वानों के अध्ययन के कारण अनेक विरोधाभास उत्पन्न हो गए हैं . बहुत सी आयतों को उसके विपरीत अर्थों के द्वारा बदल दिया गया है. उदाहरण के लिए आयत 9 सुरा 5 मुसलमानों को आदेश देती है कि वे पवित्र महीना (रमादान ) बीतने तक पैगनों(प्रकृति पूजकों ) की हत्या न करें . वहीं आयत 9 सुरा 36 के अनुसार मुसलमानों को पैगनों से इसी महीने में लड़ना चाहिए. एक दम नए कुरान पढ़ने वाले व्यक्ति को कैसे पता चलेगा कि कौन सी आयत प्रभावी है ( यद्यपि बाद वाली आयत प्रभावी है ).
42.
This compromise between Sharia and reality amounted to what I dubbed Islam's “ medieval synthesis ” in my book In the Path of God (1983). This synthesis translated Islam from a body of abstract, infeasible demands into a workable system. In practical terms, it toned down Sharia and made the code of law operational. Sharia could now be sufficiently applied without Muslims being subjected to its more stringent demands. Kecia Ali , of Boston University, notes the dramatic contrast between formal and applied law in Marriage and Slavery in Early Islam , quoting other specialists: इस्लाम में शरियत और वास्तविकता के मध्य इस समझौते को मैंने अपनी पुस्तक In the Path of God (1983) में मध्यकालीन संश्लेषण कहा है। इस संश्लेषण से इस्लाम एक अव्यावहारिक माँगों वाले से कामचलाऊ व्यवस्था में परिवर्तित हो गया। व्यावहारिक रूप में देखें तो इसने शरियत को नरम किया और विधि संहिता को उपयोगी बना दिया। अब शरियत को मुसलमानों पर सख्ती किये बिना भी लागू किया जा सकता था। बोस्ट्न विश्वविद्यालय के Kecia Ali अन्य विशेषज्ञों को उद्धृत करते हुए आरम्भिक इस्लाम में विवाह और गुलामी को लेकर औपचारिक कानून और लागू किये गये कानून के मध्य विरोधाभास को उल्लिखित किया है।
43.
Nov. 21, 2013 update : Over six years after the Raas-Long study that inspired the above article, Efraim Inbar of Bar-Ilan University reaches similar conclusions in “A Strike on Iran: Complex, But Possible.” Excerpts: An Israeli strike on Iran's nuclear infrastructure is a risky and militarily-complicated endeavor, but within reach. Israeli ingenuity and determination could lead to a great operational and political success. The international responses are likely to be bearable. … Such an attack would require the capability to reach and destroy distant targets, while overcoming aerial defense systems. Yet the number of facilities that would need to be hit to deal a significant blow to Iran's nuclear infrastructure is generally overestimated. … At a time when appeasing Iran seems to be in vogue, an Israeli strike could invigorate elements in the international arena who are unwilling to accept an Iran with a nuclear breakout capability. In addition, many people around the world would be reminded that muscular reactions to evil regimes are often truly necessary. A decision by Israel to strike Iran would be a historic gamble. Nevertheless, history, necessity, and common sense point toward an attack. इजरायली सैन्य बल के पास अकेले ही ईरान की परमाणु क्षमता के केन्द्रों को नष्ट करने में सफलता प्राप्त करने की क्षमता है, इससे ईरान के परमाणु कार्यक्रम को रोकने में सफलता मिलेगी । इसलिए रास - लांग के अध्ययन में कूटनीतिक सौदे की गुंजायश है। इसके परिणाम सम्भावित रूप से विस्तृत रूप से फैले हुए होने चाहिए ।
44.
Writing in London's Spectator , Douglas Davis calls the coalition “a godsend to both sides. The Left, a once-dwindling band of communists, Trotskyites, Maoists and Castroists, had been clinging to the dregs of a clapped-out cause; the Islamists could deliver numbers and passion, but they needed a vehicle to give them purchase on the political terrain. A tactical alliance became an operational imperative.” More simply, a British leftist concurs: “The practical benefits of working together are enough to compensate for the differences.” लन्दन के स्पेक्टेटर में लिखते हुए डगलस डेविस ने इस गठबन्धन को दोनों पक्षों के लिये ईश्वर प्रदत्त बताया। वामपंथी जो कि कम्युनिष्टों, त्रास्ट्कीवादियों, माओवादियों और कास्त्रोवादियों का क्षीण होता समूह था वह अब एक समान उद्देश्य के लिये एकजुट हो रहा है कि इस्लामवादी संख्या और भावना के स्तर पर परिणाम दे सकते हैं परंतु उन्हें एक साधन चाहिये जो कि राजनीतिक स्तर पर उनका भाव बढाये। एक रणनीतिक गठबन्धन एक क्रियात्मक आवश्यकता बन गया है। सामान्य शब्दों में जैसा एक ब्रिटिश वामपंथी ने कहा है, “ एक साथ काम करने के व्यावहारिक लाभ इतने हैं कि वे मतभेदों की पूर्ति के लिये पर्याप्त है”।
45.
As for the editors' final question, although Americans have no moral obligation to sponsor freedom and prosperity in the rest of the world, it does make for an excellent foreign-policy goal. The more the world enjoys democracy, the safer are Americans; as other free peoples prosper, so do we. The bold aim of showing the way, however, requires a cautious, slow, and tempered policy. The Bush administration has a visionary boldness but not the requisite operational caution. Related Topics: Democracy and Islam , US policy receive the latest by email: subscribe to daniel pipes' free mailing list This text may be reposted or forwarded so long as it is presented as an integral whole with complete and accurate information provided about its author, date, place of publication, and original URL. Comment on this item जहां तक संपादक के अंतिम प्रश्न का सवाल है तो यद्दपि विश्व में लोकतंत्र प्रायोजित करने का या शेष विश्व को संपन्न बनाने का अमेरिका का कोई नैतिक दायित्व नहीं है लेकिन यह विदेश नीति का अच्छा उद्देश्य जरुर है . विश्व जितना अधिक लोकतंत्र का उपभोग करेगा हम उतने ही अधिक सुरक्षित होंगे . शेष लोग जितने अधिक संपन्न होंगे , हम भी उतने ही संपन्न होंगे . रास्ता दिखाने का बहादुरीपूर्ण लक्ष्य अवश्य हो लेकिन सतर्क ,धीमी और संतुलित नीति की आवश्यकता है. बुश प्रशासन के पास साहसी दृष्टि तो है लेकिन इसे लागू करने के लिए आवश्यक सतर्कता नहीं है .
46.
Awlaki was born in New Mexico in 1971 to well-connected Muslim Yemeni parents. His father, Nasser, studied and worked in the United States until 1978, when the family returned to Yemen. Anwar went to the United States as a student in 1991 and spent the next decade in various degree programs (engineering, education), only to emerge as an Al-Qaeda-style Islamist figure, comparable to Osama bin Laden both in his ideological fanaticism and his operational involvement in terrorism. Arrested in connection with the 9/11 attacks, he was inexplicably released and allowed to move to a remote region of Yemen, beyond government control, where he currently lives. अवलाकी का जन्म 1971 में निउ मैक्सिको में एक यमनी अभिभावक के घर हुआ था। उनके पिता नसीर 1978 तक संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका में पढे और नौकरी की जबतक कि उनका परिवार फिर से यमन नहीं लौट गया। अनवर 1991 में संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका एक छात्र के रूप में गया और पूरे एक दशक अनेक डिग्री प्राप्त करने में बिताये ( अभियंता और शिक्षा) और इस सबके बाद वह अल कायदा पद्धति का इस्लामवादी व्यक्ति बना जो आतंकवाद की गतिविधियों में संलिप्तता से लेकर विचारधारागत फासीवाद में ओसामा बिन लादेन के समान बन गया। 11 सितम्बर 2001 के आतंकवादी आक्रमण के मामले में गिरफ्तारी के बाद रहस्यमय ढंग से वह छूट गया और यमन के सुदूर क्षेत्र में विचरण करने के लिये स्वतंत्र कर दिया गया और सरकार की पहुँच से बाहर जहाँ वह आज भी रह रहा है।
47.
DIA's Director is a three-star military officer who serves as principal adviser to the Secretary of Defense and to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff on matters of military intelligence. The Director also chairs the Military Intelligence Board, which coordinates activities of the defense intelligence community.[2] The exact numbers and specific budget information are not publicly released due to security considerations. DIA has major operational activities at the Pentagon, the Defense Intelligence Analysis Center (DIAC), Bolling Air Force Base in Washington, D.C.38.848°N 77.012°W, the National Center for Medical Intelligence (NCMI) in Fort Detrick, Maryland, and the Missile and Space Intelligence Center (MSIC) in Huntsville, Alabama. DIA is a member of the United States Intelligence Community, reporting to the Director of National Intelligence.DIA possesses a diverse workforce skilled in the areas of military history and doctrine, economics, physics, chemistry, world history, political science, bio-sciences, computer sciences, and many other fields of expertise.The Agency responds to the needs of a variety of customers, from the President of the United States to the soldier in the field. Its work encompasses all aspects of military intelligence requirements - from highly complex missile trajectory data to biographical information on foreign military leaders. हिंसा - वाल्टर Laqueur ने के अनुसार केन्द्र सामरिक और अंतरराष्ट्रीय अध्ययन के लिए (Center for Strategic and International Studies) आतंकवाद का केवल सामान्य लक्षण आम तौर पर सहमति है कि आतंकवाद हिंसा और हिंसा के खतरे शामिल है.के रूप में इसे बहुत से कार्य करता है आमतौर पर आतंकवाद नहीं माना शामिल हैं तथापि हिंसा की कसौटी अकेले एक उपयोगी परिभाषा का निर्माण नहीं करता है: युद्ध दंगा (riot) संगठित अपराध (organized crime) या यहाँ तक कि एक साधारण हमला (assault).कि जीवन जोखिम में डालना नहीं है संपत्ति विनाश आमतौर पर एक नहीं समझा जाता है हिंसक अपराध (violent crime)है लेकिन कुछ ने संपत्ति के विनाश का वर्णन किया है पृथ्वी लिबरेशन फ्रंट (Earth Liberation Front) और पशु लिबरेशन फ्रंट (Animal Liberation Front) के रूप में हिंसा और आतंकवाद; देखने पारिस्थितिकी आतंकवाद (eco-terrorism).
48.
Welcome to Getting Things GNOME!, your new task manager! In Getting Things GNOME! (GTG), everything is a task. From building a bridge over the Pacific Ocean to changing a light bulb or organizing a party! If you are new to GTG, please take the time to read this, as it will provide you useful information about how to use GTG to organize your everyday life. Creating and editing tasks: Using GTG is easy: you organize what you have to do by creating new tasks. To do this, simply press the “New Task” button, edit the task by describing it, set some parameters, and that's it! Once a task done, you can close it by pressing the “Mark As Done” button. In GTG, a task is automatically saved while you are editing it. No need to press any “Save” button! Try it: add some text to this task, close the window, and reopen it: your changes are still there! About subtasks: In life, you often get more things done by refining them in smaller, more operational tasks. GTG helps to do just this by defining “subtasks”. In GTG, those subtasks are considered as prerequisites that must be completed before being able to close their parent task. Therefore, in GTG, a task might host one or several subtasks. Those appear as links in the task description, just like the link below. To open and edit a subtask, simply click on its link! Try it yourself: open the following subtask: 1@1 Closing a task: In GTG, once you are done with a task, you can close it by pushing either the “Mark as Done” or the “Dismiss” button. Use the first one if the task is done, and the latter if you want to close it because it is not relevant anymore. Want to try it? Try to close the subtask above for instance! When you close a task, you will notice that all its subtasks will be automatically closed too! Indeed, GTG considers that if you have completed a given task, then you don't need to do its subtasks anymore (they were prerequisites, after all). Note that the tasks that you have marked as done or dismissed are listed in the “Closed Tasks Pane” which is hidden by default, but you can easily show it using the View menu. Learn more about GTG: If you are interested in knowing more about GTG's other features, you will find more information here: 2@13@14@15@16@17@18@1 You can also browse GTG documentation by pressing F1 or opening it using the Help menu. We sincerely hope you will enjoy using GTG, and thank you for trying it out! Please send us bug reports and ideas for improvement using this web page: https://bugs.launchpad.net/gtg/+filebug If you want to get tips for using GTG or be informed about the newest features, also visit our blog at http://gtg.fritalk.com The GTG team. हालात GNOME! हो रही है, अपने नए कार्य प्रबंधक के लिए आपका स्वागत है! हालात GNOME हो रही है! (GTG), सब कुछ एक कार्य है. प्रशांत महासागर के ऊपर एक प्रकाश बल्ब बदलने या एक पार्टी का आयोजन करने के लिए एक पुल का निर्माण!
49.
Another major mission came in July 1988 when, by presidential order, the agency assumed management of the nation's stockpile of strategic materials from the General Services Administration. Soon after, DLA established the Defense National Stockpile Center as a primary-level field activity. In 1989, the military services were directed to transfer one million consumable items to DLA for management.The 1980s brought other changes as well. On October 1, 1986, the Goldwater-Nichols Reorganization Act identified DLA as a combat support agency and required that the selection the DLA Director be approved by the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The act also directed the Office of the Secretary of Defense to study the functions and organizational structure of DLA to determine the most effective and economical means of providing required services to its customers. It helped the agency's mission evolve from functional concerns (e.g. inventory management, contract administration) to operational concerns (e.g. enhancement of materiel readiness and sustainability of the military services and the unified and specified commands).Further implementation of reorganization recommendations, especially from the Goldwater-Nichols Act, resulted from Secretary of Defense Richard Cheney's Defense Management Review report to the President in July 1989. The report emphasized improving management efficiencies in the Defense Department by “”cutting excess infrastructure, eliminating redundant functions and initiating common business practices.“” After the implementation of the Defense Management Review decisions, DLA assumed some of the military services' responsibilities, such as inventory management and distribution functions. हिंसा - वाल्टर Laqueur ने के अनुसार केन्द्र सामरिक और अंतरराष्ट्रीय अध्ययन के लिए (Center for Strategic and International Studies) आतंकवाद का केवल सामान्य लक्षण आम तौर पर सहमति है कि आतंकवाद हिंसा और हिंसा के खतरे शामिल है.के रूप में इसे बहुत से कार्य करता है आमतौर पर आतंकवाद नहीं माना शामिल हैं तथापि हिंसा की कसौटी अकेले एक उपयोगी परिभाषा का निर्माण नहीं करता है: युद्ध दंगा (riot) संगठित अपराध (organized crime) या यहाँ तक कि एक साधारण हमला (assault).कि जीवन जोखिम में डालना नहीं है संपत्ति विनाश आमतौर पर एक नहीं समझा जाता है हिंसक अपराध (violent crime)है लेकिन कुछ ने संपत्ति के विनाश का वर्णन किया है पृथ्वी लिबरेशन फ्रंट (Earth Liberation Front) और पशु लिबरेशन फ्रंट (Animal Liberation Front) के रूप में हिंसा और आतंकवाद; देखने पारिस्थितिकी आतंकवाद (eco-terrorism).