bipartisan वाक्य
उदाहरण वाक्य
मोबाइल
- This sentence, spoken last week by George W. Bush, is about the most jaw-dropping repudiation of an established bipartisan policy ever made by a US president.
कट्टर बुश - Democrat. We need Republicans as well. This used to be a bipartisan issue,
डेमोक्रेट बनने के लिए.हमें रिपब्लिकन्स की भी ज़रुरत है. यह एक द्विदलीय मुद्दा हुआ करता था, - His hallmark has been a readiness to break with long-established bipartisan positions and adopt stunningly new policies, and by late 2005 he had laid out his novel approach in four major areas.
उनकी प्रमुख विशेषता यह रही कि उन्होंने लम्बे समय से चली आ रही द्विपक्षीय स्थिति को तोड़कर कुछ आश्चर्यजनक नई नीतियों को अपनाया और 2005 के अन्त तक उन्होंने चार प्रमुख क्षेत्रों में अपनी ईमानदार पहल दिखाई । - This vote implies two points: First, the strong, bipartisan pro-Israel attitude of Americans has weathered the Gaza conflict. Secondly, persons cool or hostile to Israel overwhelmingly find their niche in the Democratic Party.
इस मत में दो बिंदु अंतर्निहित हैं: पहला इजरायल समर्थक व्यवहार के प्रति दोनों दलों के समान व्यवहार से गाजा संघर्ष भी प्रभावित हुआ है। दूसरा, जो लोग इजरायल के प्रति दुर्भाव रखते हैं या उसके प्रति उदासीन हैं उन्हें डेमोक्रेटिक पार्टी में सहारा मिल जाता है। - The U.S. Government should delist the MeK as a terrorist organization, following the wishes of a large bipartisan majority in Congress, of Barack Obama's former national security adviser , and of prominent Republicans . The United Nations should station a UNAMI delegation in Ashraf, guarded by a small U.S. force, to deter future Iraqi attacks and to fulfill the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights ' demand for “a full, independent and transparent inquiry” into the Ashraf assault so that “any person found responsible for use of excessive force” be prosecuted.
अमेरिकी सरकार को चाहिये कि वह मुजाहिदीने खल्क को आतंकवादी सूची से निकाल दे जिसके लिये काँग्रेस में बडे पैमाने पर दलगत हितों से ऊपर बहुमत हो सकता है जैसा कि बराक ओबामा के पूर्व राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा सलाहकार और प्रमुख रिपब्लिकन ने माना है। - A number of former high-level American officials advocate delisting the MeK, including a national security adviser (James Jones), three chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (Hugh Shelton, Richard Myers, Peter Pace), a secretary of Homeland Security (Tom Ridge), an attorney general (Michael Mukasey), and even a State Department coordinator for counterterrorism (Dell Dailey). A chorus of prominent Republicans and Democrats favor delisting, including a bipartisan group of 80 members of Congress .
अमेरिका के अनेक उच्च अधिकरियों ने एमईके को आतंकवादी सूची से निकालने की बात की है इनमें राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा सलाहकार ( जेम्स जोंस), संयुक्त चीफ आफ स्टाफ के तीन अध्यक्ष ( ह्यूज शेल्टन, रिचर्ड मेयर्स, पीटर पेस) , गृहभूमि सुरक्षा के सचिव ( टाम रिज) ,एक महान्यायवादी ( माइकल मुकासे) और आतंकवाद प्रतिरोध के राज्य समन्वयक ( डेल डेली) शामिल हैं। रिपब्लिक और डेमोक्रेट दोनों ही दलों के प्रभावी लोग इस पक्ष में हैं कि इस संगठन को आतंकवादी की सूची से निकाल दिया जाये और इस सूची में दलीय मर्यादा से परे कुल 80 कांग्रेस सदस्य शामिल हैं। - Democracy rather than stability . “Sixty years of Western nations' excusing and accommodating the lack of freedom in the Middle East did nothing to make us safe.” This declaration , made by Bush in November 2003, rejected a bipartisan policy focused on stability that had been in place since World War II. Bush has posed a challenge to established ways such as one expects to hear from a university seminar, not from a political leader. In contrast, Kerry prefers the dull, old, discredited model of stability.
स्थिरता के बजाए लोकतंत्र - पिछले 60 वर्षों से पश्चिम के देशों द्वारा मध्यपूर्व में स्वतंत्रता के अभाव को लेकर माफी मांगने और उस अभाव को स्वीकार करने के बाद भी हम सुरक्षित नहीं है . नवंबर 2003 में बुश की घोषणा ने द्वितीय विश्व युद्द के समय से स्थिरता के लिए जारी द्विपक्षीय नीति को अस्वीकार कर दिया . बुश ने ऐसे तरीकों को स्थापित करने की चुनौती ली है जिसकी अपेक्षा एक राजनेता से नहीं वरन् विश्वविद्यालय के सेमिनार से की जा सकती है. इसके विपरीत केरी एक पुराना सुस्त और विश्वसनीयता खो चुके स्थिरता के मॉडल को प्राथमिकता दे रहे हैं. - Concerning the latter, it is notable that in November 2003, the President referred to what had been an enduring, consensual, bipartisan policy as “sixty years of Western nations excusing and accommodating the lack of freedom in the Middle East.” In fact, that emphasis on stability resulted from a recognition of Middle East exceptionalism-that, unlike elsewhere in the world, popular attitudes in this region were deeply anti-American, and distinctly more so than the attitudes of the region's emirs, kings, and presidents. Such a situation naturally led Washington to conclude it had best work with dictators, lest democracy bring radicalized governments to power. This fear was entirely reasonable, as the 1978 revolution in Iran established and as the Algerian elections of 1991 confirmed. But, setting aside such apprehensions, Bush now insisted that Middle Easterners would, no less than other peoples, benefit from democracy and mature through it. He drew direct comparisons with American success in sponsoring democracy in Europe and Asia.
यह भय उपयुक्त था जैसा कि 1978 की ईरान की क्रांति और अल्जीरिया के 1991 के चुनावों ने इसे सुनिश्चित कर दिया लेकिन इन आशंकाओं को दरकिनार करते हुए बुश ने इस बात पर जोर दिया कि दुनिया के अन्य देशों के लोगों की भांति मध्यपूर्व के लोगों को भी लोकतंत्र का लाभ उठाना चाहिए और इसमें परिपक्व होना चाहिए . उन्होंने इसकी प्रत्यक्ष तुलना यूरोप तथा एशिया में लोकतंत्र स्थापित करने में प्राप्त हुई सफलता से की . - Big smiles between Mitt Romney and Binyamin Netanyahu, friends since 1976, in July 2012. Fourth, as Israel increasingly becomes an issue dividing Democrats from Republicans, I predict a reduction of the bipartisan support for Israel that has provided Israel a unique status in U.S. politics and sustained organizations like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. I also predict that Romney and Paul Ryan , as mainstream conservatives, will head an administration that will be the warmest ever to Israel , far surpassing the administrations of both Bill Clinton or George W. Bush. Contrarily, should Obama be re-elected, the coldest treatment of Israel ever by a U.S. president will follow.
चौथा, जैसे जैसे इजरायल डेमोक्रेट और रिपब्लिकन को विभाजित करने का मुद्दा बनता जा रहा है मेरी भविष्यवाणी है कि इजरायल के प्रति दलीय आधार से परे जो समर्थन था और जिसने अमेरिकी राजनीति में और अमेरिकन इजरायल पब्लिक अफेयर्स कमेटी जैसे संगठनों में इजरायल को अभूतपूर्व स्थान प्रदान किया उसमें भी कमी आयेगी। मेरी यह भी भविष्यवाणी है कि रोमनी और पाल रयान मुख्यधारा के परम्परावादी के तौर पर ऐसे प्रशासन का नेतृत्व करेंगे जो कि इजरायल के लिये अब तक का सबसे गर्मजोशी का प्रशासन होगा और यह बिल क्लिंटन और जार्ज डब्ल्यू बुश दोनों को कहीं पीछे छोड देगा। इसके विपरीत यदि ओबामा पुनः निर्वाचित होते हैं तो इजरायल के प्रति किसी भी राष्ट्रपति द्वारा सबसे ठंडा व्यवहार किया जायेगा। - A consensus exists that the two parties are growing further apart over time. Pro-Israel, conservative Jeff Jacoby of the Boston Globe finds that “the old political consensus that brought Republicans and Democrats together in support of the Middle East's only flourishing democracy is breaking down.” Anti-Israel, left-wing James Zogby of the Arab American Institute agrees, writing that “traditional U.S. policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict does not have bipartisan backing.” Thanks to changes in the Democratic party, Israel has become a partisan issue in American politics, an unwelcome development for it. In late March 2010, during a nadir of U.S.-Israel relations, Janine Zacharia wrote in the Washington Post that some Israelis expect their prime minister to “search for ways to buy time until the midterm U.S. elections [of November 2010] in hopes that Obama would lose support and that more pro-Israel Republicans would be elected.” That an Israeli leader is thought to stall for fewer Congressional Democrats confirms the changes outlined here. It also provides guidance for voters.
इस बात पर सहमति है कि दोनों राजनीतिक दल कुछ अवसरों पर पूरी तरह भिन्न हो जाते है। बोस्टन ग्लोब के परम्परावादी इजरायल समर्थक लेखक जेफ जेकोबी ने पाया है, “ एक पुरानी आम सहमति जो कि मध्य पूर्व के एकमात्र फलने फूलने वाले लोकतंत्र के समर्थन में डेमोक्रेट और रिपब्लिकन को एक साथ लाती थी वह अब टूट रही है” । इजरायल विरोधी वामपंथी सोच के जेम्स जेकोबी जो कि अरब इन्सटीट्यूट से हैं वे भी सहमत हैं, और लिखते हैं, “ परम्परागत रूप से इजरायल फिलीस्तीन संघर्ष के सम्बंध में अमेरिकी नीति विभाजित नीति पर नहीं थी” । डेमोक्रेटिक पार्टी में परिवर्तन के चलते इजरायल अब अमेरिकी राजनीति में विभाजित मुद्दा बन गया है जो कि इसके लिये स्वागतयोग्य नहीं है। - Mr. Pipes is director of the Middle East Forum and Taube distinguished visiting fellow at the Hoover Institution of Stanford University. Nov. 9, 2010 update : In March 2010, the U.S. government expressed outrage when the Netanyahu government announced new housing starts in eastern Jerusalem; and now in November, it is doing likewise and for the same reason. But the Israeli response is quite different, explain Mark Landler and Ethan Bronner in the New York Times : Analysts said Mr. Netanyahu's unyielding tone - a palpable contrast to his chagrined reaction after a similar housing dispute during a visit to Israel by Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. - testified to the altered political environment in the United States. The stinging Democratic defeat in the midterm elections, the analysts said, had emboldened Mr. Netanyahu to push back harder against the administration. “He is dealing with a president who is politically weakened,” said Daniel C. Kurtzer, a former American ambassador to Israel. “A lot of his friends in Washington are Republicans. He feels more comfortable with them, so he just feels that he's got a freer hand here.” Nov. 10, 2010 update : Alon Pinkas, a leftist former Israeli consul general in New York, notes the same pattern I do in an article titled “ Undermining bipartisanship on Israel ” but blames it on Netanyahu, calling his actions “a distinct break from the past 40 years, when Israel's strengthening ties with Washington were all a product of bipartisan support - regardless of who was in the White House or who controlled Congress.” True, it is a break, but put the blame where it belongs, on the Democrats, not Netanyahu. Comment on this item
मार्च 2010 के अंत में अमेरिका इजरायल सम्बंधों के सबसे निचले स्तर पर जैनी जकारिया ने वाशिंगटन पोस्ट में लिखा कि इजरायल के कुछ लोग अपने प्रधानमन्त्री से अपेक्षा करते हैं कि, “जब तक अमेरिका में मध्यावधि चुनाव नहीं हो जाते ( नवम्बर 2010)तब तक इस आशा के साथ प्रतीक्षा करें कि ओबामा का समर्थन कम होगा और इजरायल समर्थक रिपब्लिकन चुन कर आयेंगे”। यदि इजरायल के एक नेता को अमेरिकी कांग्रेस के कुछ डेमोक्रेट लोगों के चलते रोका जाता है तो यह परिवर्तन को दिखाता है । इससे मतदाताओं के लिये मार्गदर्शन भी मिलता है। - When one puts this in the context of what Obama said off-mic to then-Russian president Dmitry Medvedev in March 2012 (“This is my last election. And after my election, I have more flexibility”) and in the context of Obama's dislike for Netanyahu , it would be wise to assume that, if Obama wins on Nov. 6, things will “calm down” for him and he finally can “be more up front” about so-called Palestine. Then Israel's troubles will really begin. Sep. 5, 2012 update : Before the Democrats restored mention of Jerusalem as Israel's capital to its party platform, Romney called the omission “very troubling” and “one more example of Israel being thrown under the bus by the president.” Sep. 16, 2012 update :Appearing on NBC's Meet the Press , Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu twice avoided answering the question of whether Obama throws Israel “under the bus” or not, finally relenting the third time. Of course, he had to deny the charge, which does not enhance Mitt Romney's credibility. Meet the Press : Governor Romney for a year, and he said it in his convention speech, has said, “President Obama has thrown allies like Israel under the bus.” Do you agree or disagree with Governor Romney's charge? It's a serious charge. Binyamin Netanyahu : Well, you're trying to get me into the American election. and I'm not going to do that. the relationship between Israel and the United States is just a very powerful bond. It was, it is, and will be. and will continue to be. and I can tell you there's no one-there's no leader in the world who's more appreciative than me of the strength of this alliance. it's very strong. There's no one in Israel who appreciates more than me the importance of American support for Israel. It's not a partisan issue. In fact, we cherish the bipartisan support of Democrats and Republicans alike. This is critical for us. Meet the Press : … It seems to me for you to remain silent on whether this administration has thrown Israel under the bus is tantamount to agreeing with the sentiment. So where do you come down on that specific charge against President Obama ? Binyamin Netanyahu : There you go again, David, trying to draw me into something that is something not the case and is not my position. my position is that we have strong cooperation and we continue to cooperate with the best of allies. And Israel is the one reliable ally of the United States in the Middle East . Meet the Press : President Obama has not thrown Israel under the bus? Binyamin Netanyahu : There's no bus, and we're not going to get into that discussion, except to say one thing. We have a strong alliance, and we're going to continue to have a strong alliance. I think the important question is where does the-the only bus that is really important is the Iranian nuclear bus. That's the one that we have to derail. And that's my interest. That's my only interest. David Gregory and Binyamin Netanyahu on “Meet the Press,” Sep. 16, 2012. Mar. 20, 2013 update :Abunimah has just posted a picture of the whole gang - himself, the Khalidis, the Obamas, and the Saids - at a Chicago dinner. Obama and his anti-Zionist friends: Abunimah, Khalidi, and Said. Related Topics: Israel & Zionism , US policy receive the latest by email: subscribe to daniel pipes' free mailing list This text may be reposted or forwarded so long as it is presented as an integral whole with complete and accurate information provided about its author, date, place of publication, and original URL. Comment on this item
यदि मार्च 2012 में रूस के राष्ट्रपति देमेत्री मेडडेव के साथ माइक्रोफोन से अलग जो कुछ ओबामा ने कहा ( कि यह मेरा अंतिम चुनाव है और चुनाव के उपरांत मैं अधिक लचीला हो जाऊँगा ) उसे इस संदर्भ के साथ जोडें और ओबामा द्वारा नेतन्याहू को नापसंद करने से संदर्भ से भी जोडें तो यह पूर्वानुमान लगाया जा सकता है कि यदि ओबामा 6 नवम्बर को निर्वाचित होते हैं तो उनके लिये चीजें अधिक सहज हो जायेंगी और वे तथाकथित फिलीस्तीन के लिये अधिक मुखर होंगे। इसके उपरांत इजरायल का संकट आरम्भ होगा।
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