partisan वाक्य
उदाहरण वाक्य
मोबाइल
- Again, the Republicans here, this shouldn't be partisan.
यहाँ मौजूद रिपब्लिकन्स , यह द्विदलीय मुद्दा नहीं होना चाहिए. - Commentary on the Israel-Hamas war has tended toward partisan pleading, making the moral case for or against Israel. That's a crucial debate but not the only one; there's also a need for a cool strategic assessment; who is winning, who is losing?
गाजा में इजरायल की रणनीतिक अक्षमता - Crowds all over the world are partisan and that is but natural .
दुनिया के हर हिस्से में दर्शकों का रवैया अपने देश के प्रति तरफदारी का होता है , और ऐसा होना स्वाभाविक ही है . - And both parties want to stand on the moral highground , preferably with some partisan support from Delhi .
और दोनों पार्टियां नैतिकता के उच्च धरातल पर खड़ी दिखना चाहती हैं , खासकर दिल्ली के पक्षपातपूर्ण समर्थन से . - With the adoption of a frankly partisan tariff policy by the government to protect Lancashire mills , the cleavage between the British and Indian interests was complete .
जब सरकार ने लंकाशायर की मिलों को सुरक्षा प्रदान करने की दृष्टि से पक्षपातपूर्ण सीमा शुल्क नीति अपनायी तब ब्रिटिश और भारतीय हितों में अंतर की खाई चौड़ी हो चुकी थी . - Opposition members and critics have said that the article has been used , more often than not , for political and partisan purposes by the party in power at the Union level , usually to dismiss State Governments of parties in opposition .
विरोध पक्ष के सदस्यों तथा आलोचकों ने कहा है कि संघ-स्तर पर सत्तारूढ़ दल ने बहुधा इस अनुच्छेद का प्रयोग राजनीतिक तथा दलगत प्रयोजनों के लिए किया है और सामान्यतया विरोध पक्ष के दलों की राज्य सरकारों को बर्खास्त किया है . - I explained to them that [Abdulmutallab] was in FBI custody, that Mr. Abdulmutallab was, in fact, talking, that he was cooperating at that point. They knew that “in FBI custody” means that there's a process then you follow as far as Mirandizing and presenting him in front of a magistrate. None of those individuals raised any concerns with me at that point. They didn't say, “Is he going into military custody?” “Is he going to be Mirandized?” They were very appreciative of the information, we told them we'd keep them informed, and that's what we did. So there's been a-quite a bit of an outcry after the fact where, again, I'm just very concerned on the behalf of the counterterrorism professionals throughout our government that politicians continue to make this a political football and are using it for whatever political or partisan purposes, whether they be Democrats or Republicans.
संक्षेपीकरण : गरीबी और शिक्षा का अभाव गरीबी का कारण नहीं है, परंतु शिक्षा का अभाव और रोजगार का अभाव लोगों को आतंकवाद के विचार की ओर आकर्षित करता है। क्या भेद है इनमें? हम क्या करें जब व्हाइट हाउस ही आतर्किक को विश्लेषण के रूप में प्रस्तुत करता है। - In short, with Option #1 undermined and Option #3 unacceptable, Option #2 - war carried out by either U.S. or Israeli forces - becomes the more probable. Thus have short-sighted, small-minded, blatantly partisan intelligence bureaucrats, trying to hide unpleasant realities, helped engineer their own nightmare. Related Topics: Iran , US policy receive the latest by email: subscribe to daniel pipes' free mailing list This text may be reposted or forwarded so long as it is presented as an integral whole with complete and accurate information provided about its author, date, place of publication, and original URL. Comment on this item
संक्षेप में कहें तो , विकल्प नम्बर एक के पतन और विकल्प नम्बर तीन की अस्वीकार्यता के मध्य विकल्प नम्बर दो - अमेरिकी अथवा ईजरायली सेनाओं द्वारा युद्ध की कार्यवाही - एक ज्यादा मजबूत विकल्प नजर आता है इस तरह एक अदूरदर्शी , संकुचित सोच वाली और साफ तौर पर पक्षपाती खुफिया नौकरशाही ने अप्रिय वास्तविकताओं को छुपाने के प्रयास में एक भयानक दु:स्वरूप को जन्म दे दिया है । - Mr. Lindberg, editor of the Hoover Institution's Policy Review magazine, also finds a wide agreement among Americans, one that transcends the partisan divide of the current election season. Unlike Mr. Helprin, he is cheered by what he finds. The Bush administration, he notes in the Weekly Standard , has “outlined a new strategic doctrine that is going to guide national security policy for the next 50 years, regardless of who wins the 2004 election.”
Hoover Institution's Policy Review magazine के संपादक लिंडबर्ग अमेरिका वासियों के मध्य एक व्यापक सहमति देखते हैं जो चुनाव के इस मौसम में दलीय विभाजन के रुप में भी देखने को मिली . हेल्प्रिन के विपरीत उन्होंने जो कुछ देखा उससे वे काफी प्रसन्न हैं . उन्होंने वीकली स्टैंडर्ड में लिखा है कि बुश प्रशासन ने एक रणनीतिक सिद्धांत की रुप रेखा तैयार की है जिसके आधार पर ही अगले 50 वर्षों की सुरक्षा नीति तैयार की जाने वाली है और इससे कोई फर्क नहीं पड़ता कि 2004 का चुनाव कौन जीतता है . - This trend has become increasingly evident. In 2000, survey research commissioned by the left-wing, anti-Israel activist James Zogby found “a significant partisan split” on the Arab-Israeli conflict, with Republicans significantly more pro-Israel than Democrats. For example, asked the question, “With regard to the Middle East, how do you feel the next president should relate to the region?” 22% of Republicans and only 7% of Democrats said he should be pro-Israel.
यह रूझान दिनों दिन बढ़ता ही गया. 2000 में इजरायल विरोधी वामपंथी कार्यकर्ता जेम्स जोगवी द्वारा एक सर्वेक्षण शोध में पाया गया है कि अरब-इजरायल संघर्ष में महत्वपूर्ण दलगत विभाजन स्पष्ट है क्योंकि रिपब्लिकन डेमोक्रेट की अपेक्षा अधिक इजरायल परस्त हैं. उदाहरण के लिये यह प्रश्न पूछे जाने पर कि मध्य-पूर्व के सम्बन्ध में अगले राष्ट्रपति की भूमिका क्या होनी चाहिये, 22 प्रतिशत रिपब्लिकन समर्थकों ने कहा कि वह इजरायल परस्त होना चाहिये जबकि केवल 7 प्रतिशत डेमोक्रेट ही इस विचार के थे. - Working away from the glare of publicity , in a truly corporate sense , free from the normal partisan spirit that often characterises the debates in the House , such an Integrated system of Committees could provide a potent mechanism for a meaningful multilateral dialogue between the government and the members of Parliament enabling a proper appreciation of each other 's views , reasonable accomodation of varying viewpoints and harmonisation of conflicting interests . However , the success of such a Committee system and its efficiency as an accountability mechanism would , in the ultimate analysis , depend upon the quality of the members , the willingness of the government to provide timely , factual ; and full information and the orientation , independence objectivity and research expertise of the Committee staff .
समितियों में विभिन्न दलों के सदस्य एक दूसरे के दृष्टिकोणों को अधिक अच्छी तरह समझ सकते हैं और आवश्यक आदान-प्रदान के द्वारा परस्पर विरोधी हितों के बीच उचित सामंजस्य और समझौता स्थापित कर प्रभावी निर्णय ले सकते हैं , किंतु , इन समितियों की और संसद के प्रति प्रशासन की जवाबदेही की व्यवस्था की सफलता अंततः निर्भर करती है सरकार के द्वारा सहयोग और समिति के यथासमय पूरे तथ्य और सूचना देने पर , समिति सचिवालय के कर्मचारियों की निष्ठा , योग्यता और निष्पक्षता पर तथा सदस्यों के समिति कार्य में यथेष्ट रुचि लेने पर . - Even after giving up some of their 2010 legislative gains thanks to Obama's 2012 coattails, Republicans still control more state offices than they have in generations. They hold 30 of 50 state governorships and 58 of 98 partisan legislative chambers. The nonprofit news service Stateline reports that in 25 states, comprising 53 percent of the U.S. population, the GOP controls both the executive and the legislative branch. Only 13 states, with 30 percent of the U.S. population, have unified Democratic governments. In addition, Republicans are strongly represented in local government, albeit primarily at the county level rather than in the increasingly Democratic big cities. In some states, such as my native North Carolina, the GOP's local success has no modern precedent: A majority of the state's 100 county governments are now under Republican control, which hasn't been the case since General Sherman's army was camped outside Raleigh. Hood notes an little-observed pattern: Another way to think about these political trends is as a giant switcheroo. From 1968 to 1988, Republicans won popular-vote majorities in five of six presidential elections while Democrats were firmly ensconced as the majority party of state governments and the U.S. House. But from 1992 to 2012, Democrats have won popular-vote majorities in five of six presidential elections while Republicans have gained the advantage in House races and the states. (Control of the U.S. Senate hasn't precisely tracked the other results.)
परम्परावादियों को इन उपलब्धियों को आत्मसात करना होगा। रिपब्लिकन राष्ट्रीय परिषद के पूर्व अध्यक्ष एड गिलेस्पी के साथ मैं उन दिनों की ओर देख रहा हूँ कि जब यह इस स्तर पर आयेगा कि यह “ उन्मुक्त उद्याम के सिद्धांत , सशक्त राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा की आवश्यकता ,पारम्परिक परिवारों के गुणों तथा धार्मिक आस्था के मूल्यों पर जोर देगा न कि पूँजीवाद को कमतर करना , सेना को दोष देने , अभिभावकों को महत्वहीन करने और धर्म को गिराने पर ध्यान देगा” - A consensus exists that the two parties are growing further apart over time. Pro-Israel, conservative Jeff Jacoby of the Boston Globe finds that “the old political consensus that brought Republicans and Democrats together in support of the Middle East's only flourishing democracy is breaking down.” Anti-Israel, left-wing James Zogby of the Arab American Institute agrees, writing that “traditional U.S. policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict does not have bipartisan backing.” Thanks to changes in the Democratic party, Israel has become a partisan issue in American politics, an unwelcome development for it. In late March 2010, during a nadir of U.S.-Israel relations, Janine Zacharia wrote in the Washington Post that some Israelis expect their prime minister to “search for ways to buy time until the midterm U.S. elections [of November 2010] in hopes that Obama would lose support and that more pro-Israel Republicans would be elected.” That an Israeli leader is thought to stall for fewer Congressional Democrats confirms the changes outlined here. It also provides guidance for voters.
इस बात पर सहमति है कि दोनों राजनीतिक दल कुछ अवसरों पर पूरी तरह भिन्न हो जाते है। बोस्टन ग्लोब के परम्परावादी इजरायल समर्थक लेखक जेफ जेकोबी ने पाया है, “ एक पुरानी आम सहमति जो कि मध्य पूर्व के एकमात्र फलने फूलने वाले लोकतंत्र के समर्थन में डेमोक्रेट और रिपब्लिकन को एक साथ लाती थी वह अब टूट रही है” । इजरायल विरोधी वामपंथी सोच के जेम्स जेकोबी जो कि अरब इन्सटीट्यूट से हैं वे भी सहमत हैं, और लिखते हैं, “ परम्परागत रूप से इजरायल फिलीस्तीन संघर्ष के सम्बंध में अमेरिकी नीति विभाजित नीति पर नहीं थी” । डेमोक्रेटिक पार्टी में परिवर्तन के चलते इजरायल अब अमेरिकी राजनीति में विभाजित मुद्दा बन गया है जो कि इसके लिये स्वागतयोग्य नहीं है। - When one puts this in the context of what Obama said off-mic to then-Russian president Dmitry Medvedev in March 2012 (“This is my last election. And after my election, I have more flexibility”) and in the context of Obama's dislike for Netanyahu , it would be wise to assume that, if Obama wins on Nov. 6, things will “calm down” for him and he finally can “be more up front” about so-called Palestine. Then Israel's troubles will really begin. Sep. 5, 2012 update : Before the Democrats restored mention of Jerusalem as Israel's capital to its party platform, Romney called the omission “very troubling” and “one more example of Israel being thrown under the bus by the president.” Sep. 16, 2012 update :Appearing on NBC's Meet the Press , Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu twice avoided answering the question of whether Obama throws Israel “under the bus” or not, finally relenting the third time. Of course, he had to deny the charge, which does not enhance Mitt Romney's credibility. Meet the Press : Governor Romney for a year, and he said it in his convention speech, has said, “President Obama has thrown allies like Israel under the bus.” Do you agree or disagree with Governor Romney's charge? It's a serious charge. Binyamin Netanyahu : Well, you're trying to get me into the American election. and I'm not going to do that. the relationship between Israel and the United States is just a very powerful bond. It was, it is, and will be. and will continue to be. and I can tell you there's no one-there's no leader in the world who's more appreciative than me of the strength of this alliance. it's very strong. There's no one in Israel who appreciates more than me the importance of American support for Israel. It's not a partisan issue. In fact, we cherish the bipartisan support of Democrats and Republicans alike. This is critical for us. Meet the Press : … It seems to me for you to remain silent on whether this administration has thrown Israel under the bus is tantamount to agreeing with the sentiment. So where do you come down on that specific charge against President Obama ? Binyamin Netanyahu : There you go again, David, trying to draw me into something that is something not the case and is not my position. my position is that we have strong cooperation and we continue to cooperate with the best of allies. And Israel is the one reliable ally of the United States in the Middle East . Meet the Press : President Obama has not thrown Israel under the bus? Binyamin Netanyahu : There's no bus, and we're not going to get into that discussion, except to say one thing. We have a strong alliance, and we're going to continue to have a strong alliance. I think the important question is where does the-the only bus that is really important is the Iranian nuclear bus. That's the one that we have to derail. And that's my interest. That's my only interest. David Gregory and Binyamin Netanyahu on “Meet the Press,” Sep. 16, 2012. Mar. 20, 2013 update :Abunimah has just posted a picture of the whole gang - himself, the Khalidis, the Obamas, and the Saids - at a Chicago dinner. Obama and his anti-Zionist friends: Abunimah, Khalidi, and Said. Related Topics: Israel & Zionism , US policy receive the latest by email: subscribe to daniel pipes' free mailing list This text may be reposted or forwarded so long as it is presented as an integral whole with complete and accurate information provided about its author, date, place of publication, and original URL. Comment on this item
यदि मार्च 2012 में रूस के राष्ट्रपति देमेत्री मेडडेव के साथ माइक्रोफोन से अलग जो कुछ ओबामा ने कहा ( कि यह मेरा अंतिम चुनाव है और चुनाव के उपरांत मैं अधिक लचीला हो जाऊँगा ) उसे इस संदर्भ के साथ जोडें और ओबामा द्वारा नेतन्याहू को नापसंद करने से संदर्भ से भी जोडें तो यह पूर्वानुमान लगाया जा सकता है कि यदि ओबामा 6 नवम्बर को निर्वाचित होते हैं तो उनके लिये चीजें अधिक सहज हो जायेंगी और वे तथाकथित फिलीस्तीन के लिये अधिक मुखर होंगे। इसके उपरांत इजरायल का संकट आरम्भ होगा।
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